Rama V: Most Beloved King

It was not until 1888 - 20 years after his enthronement - that King Chulalongkorn managed to inaugurate the transition to a modern system of government, based on the organisation of European governments.

In a way, it was a reaction against a 60-page petition addressed to the King early in 1883 by 11 radical young men, three of whom were the King's half brothers.

Fresh from their studies abroad, they called for the King to adopt a system of parliamentary democracy under a constitutional monarchy.

Against the backdrop of Western colonialism and the need for administrative reform, this petition went so far as to call for the King to share his power with a prime minister, a cabinet and a parliament.

This was a genesis of the 1932 Revolution.

King Chulalongkorn listened attentively to the petition.

But his view was that it would be too soon to push the country toward constitutional monarchy.

The old noblemen were incompetent, while the younger generation was not educated enough to cope with the transition.

The King wrote: "I, too, want political reforms, but at present there are other matters more pressing .

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We must first of all see that we can get the right kind of people to be our future legislators, or we are better off without them.

" In 1887 King Chulalongkorn asked his half brother, Prince Devawongse, the patriarch of the Devakula family - to which Bank of Thailand Governor MR Pridiyathorn Devakula belongs - to study the system of European governments.

The prince was then attending a celebration in England which marked Queen Victoria's 50th anniversary on the throne.

Upon his return, Prince Devawongse recommended the formation of a cabinet of 12 ministers, consisting of seven old ministries and five new ones.

The new ministries began to take shape, marking the King's efforts to consolidate his administration.

At the same time, he confronted the threat of the colonial powers and in the end had to yield territory in order to preserve Siam's independence.

In 1892 the King set about further centralising the administration of the outlying provinces, particularly the tributary states.

Prince Damrong Rajanubhab, the King's half brother, was assigned with this momentous task of bringing all the outlying provinces and vassal states under centralised control.

In the end, under King Chulalongkorn, Siam's bureaucratic system was entrenched to serve the affairs of state and of the King.

Hardly has the Thai bureaucratic system been subjected to such an overhaul since, although it has gone through periodic adjustments.

The 1932 Revolution did not trigger any significant change to the bureaucratic system either.

Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra's aim to take on the bureaucratic system marks the first ever attempt to overhaul this outdated system in a big way - for better or for worse.

The bureaucrats, the silent minority, are an important constituency in Thailand.

In the Thai word, they are called kharajakarn, or servants of the King.

So the English translation of the Thai bureaucrats as civil servants is rather misleading.

There are more than two million of them, representing a bloated system.

Almost every baht of tax revenue goes to feed the bureaucrats, leaving hardly any money left for national development or for other investment projects.

Over time, it has become uncertain whether the bureaucrats dedicate their lives to the affairs of state or to the affairs of their own pocketbooks.

A Cabinet member described typical Thai bureaucrats as follows: "Nine out of 10 of them do not work with motivation.

They only work 80 per cent of their time, spending the rest of the time greeting or serving their bosses who have nothing to do with the affairs of state.

"They still look upon themselves as the regulators rather than the providers of public services to the Thai people.

" While the Thaksin government is working on bureaucratic reform, it remains unclear whether its aim is to enhance the competency, transparency and accountability of the bureaucrats; or whether its motivation is to direct the bureaucrats to serve the political leadership at all cost.

These are essential points that will have to be explained more clearly.

In the private sector, consolidation is under way in earnest under the directive of the Thaksin government.

The Thai Chamber of Commerce, the Federation of Thai Industries and the Thai Bankers' Association are to merge to create a Keidenren-style organisation, which will form a partnership with the government in strategic planning.

After mustering control over parliament through mergers and acquisitions of political parties, overhauling the bureaucratic system and consolidating the private sector organisations, the prime minister will emerge as the most powerful politician in the modern system of government - again for better or for worse.


Most Beloved King

Driving along Rajdamnoen Avenue towards the Royal Plaza, where the elegant Ananta Samakhom Throne Hall is situated, you'll come face to face with a statue of King Chulalongkorn (1868-1910).

Almost a century after his demise on October 23, 1910, this Most Beloved King still casts a large shadow over Thailand - his status is that of a God King.

The statue almost seems to live.

Like most great pieces of art, the statue tells a story, complete in itself.

The King, dressed in a 19th-century Western-style military uniform, sits astride a horse.

The horse's legs move slowly, as if the King is presiding over a grand military parade.

Before him, Siam is completely under his absolute monarchy.

The statue of King Chulalongkorn is in sharp contrast to that of King Taksin, which is located at Wongwienyai, in the old capital of Thonburi.

Where King Chulalongkorn gives the impression of a modern king on horseback, one may identify King Taksin as an ancient king on horseback.
King Taksin, who made Thonburi the new capital after the collapse of Ayutthaya in 1767, holds his sword aloft, showing that he is ready to lead his army into yet another battle.

His mission is not yet completed.

The comfortable posture of King Chulalongkorn reflects his reserved power and the absence of doubt about his Kingship.
During his reign, King Chulalongkorn set forth to modernise Siam through radical institutional reforms.
He charted a brilliant diplomatic course against the colonial Western powers and at the same time laid the foundations for Siam as a modern state so that it might maintain its independence and move on into the 20th century.
Most important, King Chulalongkorn followed in the footsteps of his father, King Mongkut (1851-1868), further institutionalising the Chakri Dynasty until it was firmly embedded in both the physical and spiritual domains of Siam.
Indeed, one of King Mongkut's most important tasks was to institutionalise the Chakri Dynasty.
Before him, the reign of King Rama I (1782-1809) was commonly known as the First Reign, the reign of King Rama II (1809-1824) as the Middle Reign and the reign of King Rama III (1824-1851) as the Last Reign.
Bangkok, founded in 1729, was a very young capital in King Mongkut's reign.
Ayutthaya fell to the Burmese in 1767.

In between, Thonburi was capital of Siam for a brief period of only 15 years.

The political transition was far from smooth.

There used to be a general misconception among historians that King Rama III, the eldest son of King Rama II and a half brother to King Mongkut, should not have claimed the right to ascend the throne since his mother was a commoner.

The argument then followed that King Mongkut, who had full Chao Fa, or celestial rank, should have been elected king by the Accession Council as because, as a direct descendant of King Rama II and with his mother a full queen, his blood was pure royal.

But then both King Rama I and King Rama II were born commoners during the Ayutthaya period.

However, King Mongkut went on to institutionalise the Chakri Dynasty by giving King Rama I, his grandfather, the formal title of Phra Batsomdej Phra Phuttha Yodfa Chulalok, King Rama II that of Phra Batsomdej Phra Phuttha Lertla Naphalai and King Rama III that of Phra Batsomdej Phra Nangkhlao Chao Yuhua.

In so doing, King Mongkut also succeeded in establishing the Chakri Dynasty as defender of the Buddhist faith.

King Mongkut himself bore the formal kingly title of Phra Batsomdej Phra Chomkhlao Chao Yuhua.

He married a niece of King Rama III.

Queen Dhepsirin was the mother of King Chulalongkorn, who, like his father, was born of pure royal blood.

King Chulalongkorn went on to reign in the later part of the 19th century and the early part of the 20th century.

He was formally titled Phra Batsomdej Phra Chulachomkhlao Chao Yuhua.

Every day, particularly in the evening, you see people from all walks of life coming to pay their respects to King Chulalongkorn at his statue.
They worship him by offering him flowers and garlands.

To them, he is still and forever the Most Beloved King.
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RAMA V and reform
It was not until 1888 - 20 years after his enthronement - that King Chulalongkorn managed to inaugurate the transition to a modern system of government, based on the organisation of European governments.In a way, it was a reaction against a 60-page petition addressed to the King early in 1883 by 11 radical young men, three of whom were the King's half brothers.Fresh from their studies abroad, they called for the King to adopt a system of parliamentary democracy under a constitutional monarchy.Against the backdrop of Western colonialism and the need for administrative reform, this petition went so far as to call for the King to share his power with a prime minister, a cabinet and a parliament.This was a genesis of the 1932 Revolution.King Chulalongkorn listened attentively to the petition.But his view was that it would be too soon to push the country toward constitutional monarchy.The old noblemen were incompetent, while the younger generation was not educated enough to cope with the transition.The King wrote: "I, too, want political reforms, but at present there are other matters more pressing ...We must first of all see that we can get the right kind of people to be our future legislators, or we are better off without them." In 1887 King Chulalongkorn asked his half brother, Prince Devawongse, the patriarch of the Devakula family - to which Bank of Thailand Governor MR Pridiyathorn Devakula belongs - to study the system of European governments.The prince was then attending a celebration in England which marked Queen Victoria's 50th anniversary on the throne.Upon his return, Prince Devawongse recommended the formation of a cabinet of 12 ministers, consisting of seven old ministries and five new ones.The new ministries began to take shape, marking the King's efforts to consolidate his administration.At the same time, he confronted the threat of the colonial powers and in the end had to yield territory in order to preserve Siam's independence.In 1892 the King set about further centralising the administration of the outlying provinces, particularly the tributary states.Prince Damrong Rajanubhab, the King's half brother, was assigned with this momentous task of bringing all the outlying provinces and vassal states under centralised control.In the end, under King Chulalongkorn, Siam's bureaucratic system was entrenched to serve the affairs of state and of the King.Hardly has the Thai bureaucratic system been subjected to such an overhaul since, although it has gone through periodic adjustments.The 1932 Revolution did not trigger any significant change to the bureaucratic system either.Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra's aim to take on the bureaucratic system marks the first ever attempt to overhaul this outdated system in a big way - for better or for worse.The bureaucrats, the silent minority, are an important constituency in Thailand.In the Thai word, they are called kharajakarn, or servants of the King.So the English translation of the Thai bureaucrats as civil servants is rather misleading.There are more than two million of them, representing a bloated system.Almost every baht of tax revenue goes to feed the bureaucrats, leaving hardly any money left for national development or for other investment projects.Over time, it has become uncertain whether the bureaucrats dedicate their lives to the affairs of state or to the affairs of their own pocketbooks.A Cabinet member described typical Thai bureaucrats as follows: "Nine out of 10 of them do not work with motivation.They only work 80 per cent of their time, spending the rest of the time greeting or serving their bosses who have nothing to do with the affairs of state."They still look upon themselves as the regulators rather than the providers of public services to the Thai people." While the Thaksin government is working on bureaucratic reform, it remains unclear whether its aim is to enhance the competency, transparency and accountability of the bureaucrats; or whether its motivation is to direct the bureaucrats to serve the political leadership at all cost.These are essential points that will have to be explained more clearly.In the private sector, consolidation is under way in earnest under the directive of the Thaksin government.The Thai Chamber of Commerce, the Federation of Thai Industries and the Thai Bankers' Association are to merge to create a Keidenren-style organisation, which will form a partnership with the government in strategic planning.After mustering control over parliament through mergers and acquisitions of political parties, overhauling the bureaucratic system and consolidating the private sector organisations, the prime minister will emerge as the most powerful politician in the modern system of government - again for better or for worse.